APPENDIX II
MUT'AH OR TEMPORARY MARRIAGE
'Allamah Tabataba'i and Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Another of the misunderstood practices of Shi'ism that has often been criticized. especially by some of the moderns, is temporary marriage or mut'ah.
It is a definitely established historical fact that at the beginning of Islam, namely between the commencement of the revelation and the migration of the Holy Prophet to Medina, temporary marriage, called mut'ah, was practiced by Muslims along with permanent marriage. As an example one can cite the case of Zubayr al Sahabi, who married Asma, the daughter of Abu Bakr, in a temporary marriage from this union were born 'Abdallah ibn Zubayr and 'Urwah ibn Zubayr. These figures were all among the most famous companions of the Holy Prophet. Obviously if this union were to have been illegitimate and categorized as adultery, which is one of the most grievous sins in Islam and entails heavy punishments, it would never have been performed by people who were among the foremost of the companions.
Temporary marriage was also practiced from the time of the migration until the death of the Holy Prophet. And even after that event duriIg the rule of the first caliph and part of the rule of the second, Muslims continued to practice it until it was banned by the second caliph, who threatened those who practiced it with stoning. According to all of the sources the second caliph made the following statement: "There are two mut'ahs which existed in the time of the Prophet of God and Abu Bakr which I have banned, and I will punish those who disobey my orders. These two mut'ahs are the mut'ah concerning the pilgrimage[1] and the mut'ah concerning women.
Although at first some of the companions and the followers were opposed to this ban by the second caliph, since that time the Sunnis have considered mut'ah marriage to be unlawful. The Shi'ites, however, following the teachings of the Lnams of the Household of the Prophet, continued to consider it legitimate as it was during the lifetime of the Prophet himself.
In the Quran, God says concerning the believers: "And who guard their modesty-Save from their wives or the (slaves) that their right hands possess, for then they are not blameworthy, But whoso craveth beyond that, such are the transgresso s-" (Quran, XXIII, 5-7). Also, "And those who preserve their hastity Save with their wives and those whom their right hands possess, for thus they are not blameworthy; But whoso seeketh more than that, those are they who are transgressors" (Quran, LXX, 29-31). These verses were revealed in Mecca and from the time of their revelation until the Hijrah, it is well known that mut'ah marriage was practiced by Muslims. If mut'ah marriage had not been a true marriage and women who had married according to it had not been legitimate wives. certainly according to these Quranic verses they would have been considered to be transgressors of the law and would have been forbidden to practice mut'ah. It is thus clear that since temporary marriage was not forbidden by the Prophet it was a legitimate marriage and not a form of adultery.
The legitimacy of the mut'ah marriage contin ed from the time of the hijrah until the death of the Holy Prophet as this verse, revealed after the hijrah, proves, "And those of whom ye seek content[istamta'tum. from the same root as mut'ah](by marrying them), give unto them their portions as a dut (Quran, IV, 24). Those opposed to Shi'ism contend that this verse from the "Chap ter on Women!' was later abrogated, but the Shi'ah do not accept this view. In fact. the words of the second caliph cited above are the best proof that up to the time of his ban such marriages were still practiced.
It is inconceivable that if mut'ah had been abro gated and forbidden
it would have continued to be commonly practiced by
Muslims during the lifetime of the Holy Prophet and after his
death until the time of the second caliph; that ifmut'ah
had been abrogated no action would,have been taken to forbid it. We cannot accept the claim that the only thing that the second caliph did was to put into action an order of prohibition and abrogation of mut'ah given by the Holy Prophet, for such a possibility is negated by the clear words of the second caliph, 'There are two mut ahs which existed in the time of the Prophet of God and Abu Bakr which I have banned, and I will punish those who disobey my orders."
From the point of view of legislation and the preservation of public interest also we must consider the legitimacy of temporary marriage, like that of divorce, one of the noteworthy features of Islam. It is obvious that laws and regulations are executed with the aim of preserving the vital interests of the people in a society and providing for their needs. The legitimization of marriage among mankind from the beginning until today is an answer to the instinctive urge for sexual union. Permanent marriage has been continuously practiced among the different peoples of the world. Yet despite this fact, and all the campaigns and efforts at public. persuasion that are carried out against it, there exist throughout the countries of the world, in large and small cities, both hidden and public places where illegitimate sexual union or fornication takes place. This in itself is the best proof that perma- nent marriage cannot fulfill the instinctive sexual desires of everyone and that a solution must be sought for the problem.
Islam is a universal religion and in its legislation takes all types of human beings into consideration. Considering the fact that permanent marriage does not satisfy the instinctive sexual urge of certain men and that adultery and fornication are according to lslam among the most deadly of poisons. destroying the order and purity of human life. Islam has legitimized temporary marriage under special conditions by virtue of which it becomes distinct from adultery and fornication and free of their evils and corrup tions. These conditions inelude the necessity for the woman to be single. to become married temporarily to only one man at one time, and after divorce to keep a period during which she cannot be
remarried ('iddah), half of the time that is required after the
permanent marriage. The legitimizing of temporary marriage in Islam is done with the aim of allowing within the sacred law possibilities that minimize the evils resulting from the passions of men, which if not channeled lawfully manifest themselves in much more dangerous ways outside the structure of religious law.
Notes:
1. The hajj al-mut'ah is a kind of pilgrimage which was legislated at the end of the lifetime of the Prophet.
APPENDIX III
PRACTICES IN RITUAL SHItISM
Seyyed Hossein Nasr
The religious rites practiced by Twelve-Imam Shi'ites are es sentially the same as those of the Sunnis with certain minor modifications of posture and phrasing which are little more than the differences that are to be found among the Sunni schools (madhhabs) themselves, except in the addition of two phrases in the call to prayer. For Shi'ism, like Sunnism, the major rite consists of the daily prayers (salat in Arabic, namaz in Persian and Urdu), comprised of the prayers of sunrise, noon, afternoon, evening and night. Altogether they consist of seventeen units (rak'ahs) divided in the ratio of 2, 4, 4, 3 and 4 for the respective five prayers. The only singular quality of Shi'ite practice in this respect is that instead of performing the five prayers completely separately, usually Shi'ites say the noon and afternoon prayers together, as well as the evening and the night prayers.
Shi'ites also perform supererogatory prayers and prayers on special occaions such as moments of joy, fear and thanksgiving, or when visiting a holy place of pilgrimage. In these practices also there is little difference between Shi'ism and Sunnism. However, we can sense a distinction in the Friday congregational prayers. Of course these prayers are performed in both worlds but they definitely have a greater social and political significance in the Sunni world. In Shi'ism, although these prayers are performed in at least one mosque in every city and town, in the absence of the Imam, who according to Shi'ism is the true leader of these prayers, their importance is somewhat diminished and more emphasis is placed upon individual prescribed prayers.
As for the second basic Islamic rite of fasting, it is practiced by
Shi'ites in a manner that is nearly identical with that of Sunnis and differs only in the fact that Shi'ites break their fast a few minutes later than Sunnis, when the sun has set completely. All those capable of fasting and above the age of puberty must abstain from all drinking and eating during the month of Ramadan from the first moments of dawn until sunset. The moral and inward conditions that accompany the fast are also identical for the two branches of Islam. Likewise, many Shi'ites, like Sunnis, fast on certain other days during the year, especially at the beginning, middle and end of the lunar month, following the example of the Holy Prophet.
Also, for the pilgrimage (hajj), Shi'ite and Sunni practices have only very minor differences. It is the pilgrimage to other holy places that is emphasized more in Shi'ism than in Sunnism. The visit to the tombs of Imams and saints plays an integral role in the religious life of Shi'ites, one which in fact is compensated for in a way in the Sunni world by visits to the tombs of saints or what in North Africa are called tombs of marabouts. of course these forms of pilgrimage are not obligatory rites such as the prayers, fasting and hajj, but they play such an important reli gious role that they can hardly be overlooked.
There are certain religious practices besides the basic rites which are specifically Shi'ite, yet curiously enough found also in certain parts of the Sunni world. There is the rawdah-khani; that combination of sermon, recitation of poems and Quranic verses and drama which depicts the tragic life of the different Imams, particularly Imam Husayn. Although the rawd,ah began to be practiced widely only during the Safavid period, it has become one of the most widespread and influential of religious acts in the Shi'ite world and leaves a profound mark upon the whole com munity. The rawdah is performed most of all during the Islamic months of Muharram and Safar, during which the tragedy of Karbala and its aftermath took place. The rawdah does not exist in Sunni Islam in the exact form it has taken in Shi'ism but other forms of elegy (marathi) and dramas depicting the tragedy ofKar bala are seen during Muharram as far away as Morocco.
Connected with the rawdah during Muharram is the passion
play (ta'ziyah), which has become an elaborate art in both Persia and the Indo-Pakistani world. It is no longer directly a religious rite in the sense of the prayers, yet it too is a major manifestation of religious life as it traverses the depth and breadth of society. There are also at this time elaborate street processions in which people chant, cry and sometimes beat themselves in order to par ticipate in the passion of the Imam. In this matter also, equiva lences in the Sunni world must be sought in the Sufi processions which have become rarer in many Muslim countries during the past few years.
on the popular level there are certain Shi'ite religious practices which must be mentioned because of their wide popularity. These include almsgiving, in addition to the religious tax (zakat) pro mulgated by the Shari'ah, petitioning God for the acceptance of something asked in a prayer by giving to the poor, arranging special religious tables whose food is given to the poor, and many other practices of the kind which carry religion to the intimate activities of everyday life.
The recitation of the Holy Quran is a nte par excellence and it is a basic Shi'ite practice as much as a Sunni one. The Quran is chanted during special occasions such as weddings, funerals and the like, as well as at different moments of the day and night during one's daily'routine. In addition the Shi'ites place much emphasis upon the reading of prayers of great beauty in Arabic from the prophetic hadith and from the sayings of Imams as con tained in the Nahj al-baiaghah, Sahifah sajjadiyah, Usul al-kafi etc. Some of these prayers, like the Jawshan-i kabir and Kumayl, are long and take several hours. They are recited only by the espe cially pious, en certain nights of the week, particularly Thursday night and the nights of Ramadan. Other believers remain satisfied with shorter prayers. But the whole practice of reciting litanies and prayers of different kinds constitutes an important aspect of the rites of Muslims and their religious devotions in both the Shi'ite and Sunni worlds. And in both worlds these devotional prayers and litanies come from the works of the saints, who in the Shi'ite world are identified with the Imams and the Household of the Prophet and in the Sunni world with Sufism in general.
APPENDIX IV
A NOTE ON THE JINN
By: Seyyed Hossein Nasr
One of the least understood aspects of Islamic teachings in the modern world concerns that class of beings called the jinn and referred to several times in the Quran. The reason for misunder standing comes from the post-Cartesian materialistic conception of the Universe, which excludes the subtle and psychic world, where in fact the beings called jinn belong in the traditional schemes of cosmology. To understand the meaning of jinn one must therefore go beyond a conception of reality which includes only the world of matter and the mind (this paralyzing dualism which makes an understanding of traditional doctrines impossi ble) to an awareness of a hierarchic reality made up of the three worlds of spirit, psyche, and matter. The jinn can then be identified as beings that belong to the psychic or intermediary world, the barzakh, situated between this world and the world of pure Spirit.
In Quranic terminology and the hadith literature the jinn are usually coupled with ins or mankind and often the phrase al-jinn wa'l-ins (the jinn and men) is used as referring to that class of creatures to which God's commands and prohibitions address themselves. Man was made of clay into which God breathed (nafakha) His Spirit. The jinn in Islamic doctrines are that group of creatures which was made of fire rather than earth, and into which God also breathed His Spirit. Hence like man they possess a spirit and consciousness and have Divine commands revealed to
them. on their own level of existence they are central creatures
just as men are central creatures in this world. But in contrast to
men they possess a volatile and "unfixed" outer form and so can
take on many shapes. This means that they are essentially crea tures of the psychic rather than the physical world and that they can appear to man in different forms and shapes.
Having been endowed with a spirit, the jinn, like men, possess responsibility before God. Some are "religious" and "Muslim. These are intermediate angels, the psychic forces that can lead man from the physical to the spiritual world through the labyrinth of thc intermediate world or barzakh. others are malefic forces that have rebelled against God. in the same way that some men rebel against the Divinity. Such jinn are identified with "the armies of Satan (junud al-shaytan) and are the evil forces which by inducing the power of apprehension (wahm) and imagination (khayal) in its negative aspect lead man away from the Truth which his intelligence perceives by virtue of the innate light that dwells within him.
In the religious cosmos of the traditional Muslim, which is filled with material. psychic. and spiritual creatures of God, the jinn play their own particular role. By the elite they are taken for what they are, namely, psychic forces of the intermediate world of both a beneficent and an evil nature: On the popular level, the jinn appear as concrete physical creatures of different shapes and forms against which men seek the aid of the Spirit, often by chant
ing verses of the Quran. The jinn and all that pertains to them hence enter on the popular level into the domain of demonology, magic. etc., and are a vivid reality for men whose minds are still
open towards the vast world of the psyche in its cosmic aspect. The Muslim of this type of mentalitv lives in a world in which he is aware of God and also of both the angelic forces representing the good and the demonic forces representing the evil. He sees his life
as a struggle between these two elements within him and about him. Although the jinn are of both kinds, the good and the evil most often in ilis thought he identifies them with the demonic forces that lead men astray. They are personifications of psychic forces that work within his mind and soul. On the theological and
metaphysical level of Islam, the order of the jinn becomes under
stood as a necessary element in the hierarchy of existence, an
element which relates the physical world to higher orders of
reality. The jinn are, moreover, especially akin to men in that, as was mentioned above, into them also was breathed the Spirit of God. And some of God's prophets, like Solomon, ruled over both men and jinn, as attested to by the Holy Quran.
For the Western student of Islam, the meaning of the jinn cannot be understood except through an understanding of tra ditional metaphysics, cosmology and psychology. Only through this understanding do these beings and their function, which in fact have their correspondences in other religions, become mean ingful. We cannot reduce the belief in jinn to superstition simply because we no longer understand what they signify.
If a traditional Muslim were asked to give his opinion concern ing all the interest in the modern world in psychic phenomena, the exploration of the psychic world through drugs and other means, and the phenomena of a psychic origin that become ever more recurrent nowadays, he would answer that much of this is con nected to what he would understand by the jinn. He would add that most of the jinn involved in these cases are, alas, of the ma lefic and demonic kind before whom there is no means of protec tion save the grace that issues forth from the world of pure Spirit.
