These days of memorial, which were repeated in every year, brought together classes of people from different directions, from various countries and from a variety of cultural levels. This led to a unified view of the revolution of al-Husayn and to the enrichment of popular consciousness with new outpourings of the emotional and psychological influence which rooted the history and slogans of the revolution firmly in this consciousness, together with the spreading of the idea of the rites of remembrance in areas where it had not yet become established. Thus the rites of remembrance were instituted in new areas of the Islamic world every year.
The institution of the pilgrimage did the institution of the rites of remembrance a great service at the level of rooting the feeling for the cause of al-Husayn in the rites of remembrance in new lands year after year.
There was another formal element which entered the practice of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
That was that there began to arise men and women who specialised in reciting the life of al-Husayn and others who specialised in composing poetry of lament with the styles of wailing.
The life story of al-Husayn, after being a dialogue between those gathered together, became a text which was recited while the others listened. Those who did the recitation were 'the story-tellers'. We have alread discussed the allusion to them in one of the accounts of the pilgrimage which tells of what happened at Karbala' on 15th Sha'ban, namely the account of 'Abd Allah ibn HAminad al-Basri. The texts which these story-tellers recited were the books about the death of al-Husayn. An indication of that is given in the historical accounts, some of which we have mentioned with regard to what happened during the reign of the 'Abbasid Caliph, al-Musta'sim. Similarly we have mentioned a clearly-stated text on the subject which came within the books about the death of al-Husayn.
After it having been the poet who recited his own poem or the special reciter of the poet reciting the poem of his poet in a gathering which was brought together by chance or hurriedly, there came men and women who specialised in memorising much of the poetry which was composed in lament for al-Husayn and in praise of the Holy Family. Then deliberate gatherings were held, which were for the purpose of keeping the memory of al-Husayn alive. The man or woman who specialised in the wailing technique would be invited to recite poetry in this special style in which the effects of voice-production served to help bring about weeping which was one of the aims of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
The sources sometimes incidentally mention the names of some of the men and women who specialised in this special style of wailing recitation.
Abu al-Hasan, the scribe, sent Abu al-Qasim 'Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Dawud al-Tannukhl to a reciter called'Ali ibn Asdaq al-Ha'in so that he should recite poetry in the wailing style for al-Husayn at Karbala' on the evening of the middle day of Sha'ban to some Kufans.
Abu al-Qasim was born in the year 278 and died in the year 342. Therefore at the end of the third century of the hijra or the beginning of the fourth century there existed specialist reciters of the wailing technique who enjoyed reputations which went beyond their own towns.
The name of Dharra, the wailing woman, is reported by al-Nisaburi according to what Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413) mentioned in his Amail.
Ahmad ibn al-Muzaddiq, the reciter with the wailing technique, was alive in 346 and he enjoyed a considerable reputation in Baghdad.23
There was a professional reciter with the wailing technique in Baghdad whose name was Abu al-Qasim 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Shatranjl, who used to recite wailing poetry about al-Husayn at Karbala'. He must have been alive between the end of the third century of the hijra and the beginning of the fourth because he is mentioned for his wailing recitation of his poem to al-Nashi' al-Saghir, 'Ali ibn'Abd Allah ibn al-Wasif (271-365).24
There was in Baghdad a famous accomplished woman wailing reciter called Khallab. She gave a wailing recitation of a poem by al-Nashi '. She was alive in 323. Al-Barbahari (d. 329) ordered her to be killed.25
In Fatimid Egypt in the fourth century there was a group of people who specialised in wailing and recitation. We can assume that the same practice was taking place in Syria and Iraq. The following text illustrates the situation in Egypt.
On the Day of 'Ashura ' in the year 396, it happened, as it did every year, that the markets were closed. The reciters came out to the mosque of Cairo and stopped there as they gathered for wailing a recitation. After that day, the chief judge (qadis) gathered the rest of the reciters who earned their living from wailing and recitation and said to them: 'You would not pester the people to take something from them if you stayed at your shops. Do not earn a living by wailing and reciting. Whoever wants to do that can do it-in the desert.' 6
This formal development in the practice of the rites of remembrance is one of the changes which occurred during the first of the stages of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. There is no doubt neither reciters nor story-tellers could recite from written texts when this stage began in the first century of the hijra. This development was introduced later when the remembrance rites took on the character of an institution with special dates and customs and when this institution, as a result of that, began to create its own time schedule, its own devices and its own human apparatus.
We will see that the story-teller, who used to undertake the task of giving the historical information about the revolution and would speak to the mind and the emotions through his stories, and the reciter, who used to arouse the emotions of his listerners with the poetry of lamentation we will see that both of these men became united in the following period in the second stage into the preacher of the pulpit for al-Husayn who brought together the function of the story-teller and the function of the reciter.
* * *
In the middle of this period the geographical area where the performance of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn was held spread in the climate of relative freedom which was provided by Shi' ite political forces gaining power in many of the Islamic countries.
From the year 333 the Hamdanids began to extend their domination over Syria and Mosul. Under the protection of their government Shi' ism flourished. Naturally, as a result of that, Shi' ite thought and Shi' ite institutions flourished. Aleppo became a centre for Shi'ite jurisprudence just as it became a destination for Shi'ite men of culture, scholars and poets. There is no doubt that the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn gained a share of this relaxation which gave an opportunity for those who cared for it to practise it and develop it in form and mode.
The poetry of lament for al-Husayn flourished in this climate. The lamentation poetry which was composed under the Hamdanids reflected the people's increasing concern for the institution of the pilgrimage, as we mentioned earlier when we gave evidence for it in the discussion of the pilgrimage (ziyara) in the poetry of lamentation for al-Husayn. This leads to the belief that the rites of remembrance gained a great share in that especially after the Fatimids gained control over Egypt which influenced, and was influenced by, the Syrian region.
Muhammad Kurd 'Ali in his book Khitat al-Sham, mentions this in a discussion of the group called 'Mutawalis', i.e. the Shi' a, when he refers to the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn: 'During the Days of 'Ashura ' the Shi' a gather and perform rites of remembrance for al-Husayn ibn 'Ali, the martyr of Karbala'. Their observance of that goes back a long way to the period of the tragedy.... It appears from the life of Dik al-Jinn al-Humsi in Kitab al Aghani that these gatherings to perform rites of remembrance for al-Husayn were well-known at this time.'27
At the time when the Hamdanids became masters of Syria the Buwayhids, who were also of the Shi' a, took control of Iraq and Iran, gradually depriving the 'Abbasid Caliph of all effective authority. This provided the land which gave birth to the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn the opportunity to enjoy a freedom, which it had frequently lost, to perform the rituals of the rites associated with al-Husayn. In this way the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn developed greatly in form and mode.
It seems that at first the Buwayhid did not publicly and clearly proclaim their Shi'ite position. They did not make the state a party to the practices of the rites of remembrance. They only allowed the people freedom to practise them. However, some two decades later they did make the rites of remembrance a state affair.
Ibn al-Athir has reported in the events of the year 352:
In this year the state ordered the people to shut their shops on the 10th of Muharram and to suspend the markets and all buying and selling. The people did that, and the Sunnis had no power to prevent that because of the great number of the Shi' a and the fact that the authorities were from them. [28]
It is well-known that the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn did not begin in Iraq at this time. They go back to the earliest Islamic times as we mentioned previously. In this period they became much more widespread and during the rule of the Buwayhids they became an official ceremony.
The Buwayhids may have delayed the announcement of the rites of remembrance as an official institution out of their concern at the beginning of their establishment of their state, for the feelings of a group of their subjects who were not Shi'ites. On the eve of the Buwayhids assumption of power, the Hanbalites had become fanatically hostile towards these rites of remem- brance. They had used violence in their opposition to Shi' ite activity in this field. There are many historical texts which provide evidence for that. Among these is the following report in Bughyat al-Nubala ':
There was in Baghdad a famous accomplished woman wailing reciter who was known as Khallab. She gave a wailing recitation of a poem by al-Nashi' and we heard her in the houses of some of the leaders, because at that time the people were not able to perform wailing recitation except with support from men in authority or secretly because of the Hanbalites.
This incident took place in 232, i.e. ten years before the Buwayhids came to power.
We have already referred to the text which explains that 'the people were put under great pressure by the Hanbalites when they wanted to go out to the Ha'ir.' We commented that this took place between the end of the third century of the hijra and the beginning of the fourth.
The Hanbalites then, were using violence in their opposition to the rituals of al-Husayn as represented by the rites of remem- brance and the pilgrimage. Ibn al-Athir's statement, '. . . the Sunnis had no power to prevent that because of the great number of the Shi' a,' is not correct. The Sunnis in Iraq even participated in the rites of remembrance. Those among the Sunnis who opposed these rituals were a small group, the Hanbalite sect.
These sectarian clashes because of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn seem to have begun at an early time in respect to this period. That was when the Shi' a in the 'Abbasid era tried to perform the rituals associated with al-Husayn publicly and especially in the month of Muharram. Ibn Taghri Burdi has reported in the events for the year 174:
Then partisanship rose and there were disturbances between the Sunnis and the Rafidites (Shi' a). [30]
He does not give the reason for that but it seems likely to be the one which we have suggested.
Egypt had known the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn from a very early time. The Umayyad administration in the Hijaz was afraid of the consequences of the activity which Zaynab had been striving to carry out in Medina after her return from Karbala', where, through the family rites of remembrance, she was enflaming the Hijaz with the spirit of the revolution in a society which was ready for it. 'Amr ibn Said ibn al-'As the governor of Medina wrote to Yazid ibn Mu' awiya to tell him of his fear of the consequences of the movement of Zaynab if she continued her activities. He said: 'The presence of Zaynab among the people of Medina is inflAminatory. She is eloquent, clever and intellegent. She and those with her are determined to take vengeance for the death of al-Husayn.'
An order appears to have issued that Zaynab should be sent outside the Hijaz. This point in the history of Zaynab is unclear. How was the order for her to travel issued? Why was Egypt rather than any other country chosen? The sources do not provide us with an explanation of the real situation. What we do know from the sources is that Zaynab arrived in Egypt in the month of Sha'ban in the year 61, i.e. approximately eight months after the Battle of Karbala'. Maslama ibn Mukhallad al-Ansari, the governor of Egypt, met her in Bilbis with the leaders of the Muslims amid weeping and condolences. Maslama went with her and she resided with him. She lived there for about a year after her arrival and then she died on 14th Rajab in the year [62.]
The Umayyad choice of Egypt as the place of exile for Zaynab may have arisen out of the belief that any propaganda activity she undertook there would have only limited effect on the stability of the Umayyad government, as Egypt was far away from events in Iraq and the people who knew about what was going on in Iraq was a very limited number of those in government and those associated with them. The ordinary people knew nothing about the true situations, in contrast to the people in Iraq, Syria and the Arabian peninsula where there was an active and busy exchange of ideas, news and people among them.
We believe that Zaynab, during the short period which she spent in Egypt, was able to influence the Egyptians, who came into contact with her, to varying degrees because she must have spoken to them about what had happened at Karbala'. However, we have to admit that this influence was so limited that its effects were not shown in any wavering of the people's allegiance to the Umayyad government in Damascus, although this influence was a nucleus whose importance for the future could not be ignored.
* * *
While the Hamdanids in Syria and Mosul and the Buwayhids in Iraq and Iran were planting their authority firmly and while the rites of remembrance and the other rituals associated with al-Husayn were flourishing under these Shi'ite governments, the Fatimids were extending their control over Egypt which they entered in 358. In this way the area, in which the rites of al-Husayn and the other rituals flourished, was increased far beyond what it had been in the past.
The Fatimids, when they took control of Egypt, did not introduce rituals to an area where the rites of remembrance had not existed. They had existed there during the weak rule of the Ikshidids whom the Fatimids overthrew. Al-Maqrizi in al-Khitat has explained that the call for grief for al-Husayn took place during the time of the Iksh-ldids and its scope was broadened during the time of the Fatimids. Yet the situation of the rituals of the rites of remembrance in Egypt before the Fatimids was the same as their situation on Iraq before the Buwayhids. They existed but they aroused opposition against them from some fanatical sectarian elements. An example of this is what happened on 'Ashura' in the year 350 when a disturbance occurred between the soldiers and a group of citizens at the tomb of Umm Kulthum. It appears that this was because of the rites of remembrance that had been held on that day. However, we should notice that the situation was not always like this during the 'Abbasid period. There was a long period of time for the Shi' a in Egypt when they were exposed to persecution. An example of that is what happened to them when Yazid ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Dinar was appointed governor of Egypt by the 'Abbasid Caliph, al-Muntasar, in the month of Rajab in the year 242. 'He searched for all the Rawafid (Shi' a) in Egypt, destroyed them or punished them and afflicted them. Their important members were suppressed and groups of them taken to Iraq in the worst possible way.' [31] These measures seem to have been taken in the year 245.
After the coming of the Fatimids, the rituals on 'Ashura ' became official ceremonies of state, and the rites of remembrance became one of the cultural institutions of the state.
The favourable political situation in Iraq, Iran, Egypt and North Africa gave the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn a golden opportunity to become widespread. They became public under the protection of the state on most occasions. This did not stop them from arousing the opposition of fanatical groups, especially the Hanbalites in Iraq.
In the atmosphere of freedom and security which political development provided over a vast geographical area, the rites of remembrance were able to attain for themselves developments in form which were of great importance, the most outstanding of which we have discussed in the first part of this section. Similarly they achieved for themselves changes in the mode of their content, which we will discuss in what follows.
* * *
The developments of mode in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn during the first stage occurred in the following ways:
There was a widening of the exposition of the details of the events and the ancient causes which had preceded them, including matters associated with the succession to the Apostle of God, the policies which were followed during the reign of 'Uthman and the Umayyad policy in a comprehensive manner.
We find manifestations of this development in the poetry of the second century of the hijra and after, insofar as in the second half of the second century there begins to appear what we could describe as 'lamentation poetry with a historical and theological tendency.' The poetry comes to use the events of history with the rationality of theologians in order to give an explanation to the subject of al-Husayn.
Sufyan ibn Mus'ab al-'Abdi (d. 120 or 178) and al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi (d. 120) were possibly the first who used this technique in lamentation poetry, even though al-Kumayt's poetry of praise and of the virtues of the Holy Family shows more of this style than his lamentation poetry. When we come to the third century of the hijra and what follows it, we find this kind of lamentation poetry widely among the poets of lament for al-Husayn. Such poets include 'Abd al-Salam ibn Raghban (known as Dik al-Jinn), Di'bil al-Khuzati, al-Qasim ibn Yusuf, the secretary, al-Sharif al-Radi and al-Sharif al-Murtada. This kind of poetic mode continued to grow and spread until by the end of the fifth century lamentation poetry came to be like a record of history and virtues.
We judge that this phenomenon in lamentation poetry would be reflected in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn during this period.
There was a growth in the extent of the mentioning of virtues in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. The rites of remembrance began to include the mentioning of the virtues and the outstanding position in the history of Islam of the Imams of the Holy Family, the testamentary designations (wasaya) by the Apostle of God of the Imams and the opposition of some of the umma to these testamentary designations. In addition to that special forms of honour were expressed about Imam al-Husayn.
We became acquainted with this new phenomenon in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn through the lamentation poetry which was composed in the second century and afterwards. Similarly we learn of it through the books about the death of al-Husayn which were compiled after the second century insofar as these books became concerned with the recording of Traditions about virtues of the Holy Family and al-Husayn and expressions of honour as well as the historical account. The poetry of lament which was composed in this period is full of evidence of this phenomenon.
Poetry and prose become integrated. We believe that the rites of remembrance began in the form of conversations. Then there came a story which was reported or a poem which was recited. Then there arose a written text (an account of the death of al-Husayn). At the end of this stage a form began to emerge in which poetry and prose were integrated. The rites of remembrance became a mixture of the two together. Prose tells the story of the tragedy in the spirit of giving an account of history and virtues and with only a limited amount of emotional expressions. Poetry colours the story and endows it with a sad tragic artistic quality.
We are not saying that the preacher for al-Husayn, whom we know today, could be found at the end of this stage. We are only saying that the predecessor of this preacher had begun to be formed at the end of this stage as represented by a story-teller who embellished his stories with pieces of poetry, or by a reciter who followed his recitation by giving account of the stories and the virtues or prepared for it in that way.
Other Imams and other revolutions were included. Since the Battle of Karbala', the deaths had been caused by the sword or poisoning of a great number of 'Alid revolutionaries against the Umayyads or the 'Abbasids or whose loyalty the authorities doubted or whom they suspected of specific political aspirations. Similarly some of the Imams of the Holy Family had been killed by poisoning or had died as they were being oppressed and persecuted by the governments of their time.
The Shi'a used to grieve for what had happened. They would add these griefs of theirs to their great grief for Imam al-Husayn. They would add the horrible events and tragedies, which filled the lives of these later Imams and revolutionary 'Alids, to their tragic inheritance which was linked to the lives of the Holy Family, in general, and to the Imams of the Holy Family, in particular.
We know that this material of revival of memories was reflected in lamentation poetry. One of its outstanding features had become the mentioning of the hardships and misfortunes of the Holy Family at different times.
We think it likely that this material of revival of memories, which was reflected in lamentation poetry, was also reflected in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn and had become more indispensible within the story-telling, poetic and critical element.
We think it likely that the story-teller, or the wailing reciter, used to discuss in his stories, or his wailing recitation, what had happened to the Imams after al-Husayn, or what had happened to certain of the martyrs of 'Alid revolutions after al-Husayn. He would do this in order to honour them, to tell of their fate and to recite what had been composed in lament for them. All that would be sealed with the mentioning of the tragedy of Imam al-Husayn as being the prototype and most painful to men's hearts of the tragedies which had befallen the Holy Family.
Sometimes towards the end of this stage there was even the growth of 'Alid rites of remembrance in a general form. A report from the emir Tala ' i' ibn Zurayk (495-556) suggests this. On the night of 19th Ramadan in the year 556, which was the night he was killed a little before morning, he said: 'This is a night like that on which Imam 'Ali, the Commander of the faithful, was killed.' He ordered the reading of the account of his death. [32]
Among the things which point to the correctness of our suggestion that the sufferings of the rest of the Holy Family had been introduced into the content of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn is the growth in the compilations about the subject of the Holy Family.
During this stage books were compiled which included the life story of each one of the Imams or of the 'Alids who had been killed by the sword or by poisoning. Outstanding examples of such compilations are Maqatil al-Talibiyyin (The Killings of the Talibids) by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 356) and Kitab al-Irshad (The Book of Guidance into the Lives of the Twelve Imams) by Shaykh al-Mufid. Both these writers did not limit their books to reporting the killing of al-Husayn but their writings were extended to others. In Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, Abu al-Faraj al- Isfahani has mentioned all the Talibids whom he knew to have been killed at the hands of the authorities in Umayyad and 'Abbasid times, even though he had devoted a large chapter of his book to the killing of Imam al-Husayn. Shaykh al-Mufid, in Kitab al-Irshad, gives an account of all the Imams after mentioning Imam 'Ali's life, particularly with the Apostle of God and with Fatima. After this section by far the largest section of his book is specially devoted to Imam al-Husayn.
Among the best pieces of evidence for the entry of this development of mode into the rites of remembrance for Imam al-Husayn is a famous ode by the poet Di'bil al-Khuzatl (d. 246), which he recited before the eighth Imam, 'Ali ibn Musa al-Rida in the town of Merv. In it he mentions:
'Ali as the Commander of the faithful, his place in Islam and how he was deprived of succession despite having the right to it;
His sadness for 'Abd Allah ibn Ja'far, his father, Jatfar al-Tayyar, Imam 'Ali, Imam al-Husayn, Hamza ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib, Imam Zayn al-'Abidin and other 'Alids;
He addresses the Lady Fatima, the fair, mentioning the graves of her descendants, two at Kufa, the graves at Medina, the grave at Fakh and in Gurgan and the graves in Baghdad. [33]
Then he returns to speaking of al-Husayn, his revolution and the tragedy of Karbala' with fuller detail than he had given at the beginning of his ode.
This ode, at this period, shows the origin of this change of mode in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn by mentioning all the hardships of the Holy Family together. That is because it reflects the popular Shi' ite awareness of the nature of the oppressive relationship between the rulers and the Holy Family. The Shi'ite is made sad and angry by this relationship.
This element in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn has further developed in the second and third stages until its characteristics have become integrated through the growth which will be explained in the appropriate part of this chapter.
This picture of the development of mode in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn in this first stage which extends from 61 to just prior to the fall of Baghdad in the seventh century of the Hijra this picture is best reflected in five texts, in addition to the poetry of lamentation in this period as we have alluded to it within the study as well as the general sources for history and civilisation. The five texts which we have just referred to are the following:
Maqtal al-Husayn by Abu Mikhnaf Lut ibn Yahya. This text is preserved in the Ta 'rikh of Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari. [34]
Maqatil al-Talibiyyin by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 356).
Kitab al-Futuh by Ibn A'tham Abu Muhammad Ahmad (d. 314). This book is also extensively reported in the Maqtal al-Husayn by al-Khawarizmi.
Kitab al Irshad by Shaykh al-Mufid Muhammad ibn Numan.
Maqtal al-Husayn by al-Khawarizmi
Among these texts we can see that Abu Mikhnaf's has brevity, historical accuracy and a sensitive portrayal with the emotional outbursts being very limited. The poetic element is rare except for the material organically related to the story of the battle. In the later texts we can see an increase in the presentation of the details, a concern to mention virtue and merit, a growth in the emotional expressions and a richness in extraneous poetic material which is not organically connected to the battle, whether in poetry of lamentation or poetry of virtues.
To summarise everything which we have mentioned, we can say that in its first stage the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn included a fixed element which was an exposition of the tragedy of al-Husayn together with criticism of the Umayyad and 'Abbasid government. This criticism was either explicitly stated or given in allusions depending on what was possible in the light of the circumstances of the rites of remembrance and the safety of the participants from attack by the authorities or by fanatical anti-Shi' ites.
The rites of remembrance developed during this stage in terms of form and content as we have mentioned earlier in this study. The development in mode was concentrated on the content in four ways: an expansion of the exposition of the details and historical background of the tragedy; the growth of the reports about virtues in the rites of remembrance; the integration of prose and poetry; and the inclusion in the rites of remembrance of the sufferings of the Imams of the Holy Family and other'Alid revolutionaries.
2. The Second Stage
In this stage the rites of remembrance preserved the fixed element, namely the account of the tragedy and criticism of the authorities.
At this stage, however, the criticism of the Umayyads and 'Abbasids was direct as they no longer had any existence in the political life of Iraq, Iran and other Islamic countries, except in a formal way which had no value as a result of what took place in Mamluk Egypt. Yet this clear direct criticism was now merely words without any real content. It was a theoretical criticism of something which no longer existed.
Direct criticism of the contemporary authorities was a dangerous business which exposed the critics to the greatest dangers, sometimes death.
We doubt, whether the direct criticism of the Umayyads and the 'Abbasids in this stage contained any attitude towards the contemporary authorities, which might have arisen out of a clear understanding of the guidance possible through the memory of al-Husayn, in the way which we indicated took place on some occasions in the first stage where there was indirect criticism of contemporary authorities.
At this stage the memory of al-Husayn had lost its political and social guidance, in the understanding of the Shi'ite, towards the plight which he was suffering as a result of the policies of despotic rulers. It had become a ceremony which was merely related to the Hereafter except on very rare occasions which sometimes might occur. Shaykh al-Turayhi has reported what appears to be his view of the function of the rites of remembrance in his work, al-Muntakhab
My brothers, weep and lament much for this great and noble man so that you may obtain a good reward from the great Lord. God has made our following them in the actions which he has made possible, our weeping for them with abundant tears and cursing their enemies, the Veople of error, take the place of fighting alongside in the day of the battle.3
We doubt, however, whether he meant by 'their enemies, the people of error,' anyone except the Umayyads and the 'Abbasids and their governors who had persecuted the Holy Family. We think it very probable that he was not referring by this expression and others like it to every wrongdoer and oppressor of the people among the rulers and their supporters. This is supported by the fact that the examples which he gave were the rulers and governors who have been directly oppressive to the Holy Family by killing, imprisonment, terrorisation, confiscation, the destruction of graves and the like, without extending it to include ever wrongdoer and oppressor. The content of the first session which he gives in the book, al-Muntakhab, is evidence for that.
That was the position with regard to the fixed element. As far as changes were concerned, these occurred in the rites of remembrance in developments of form and mode which were of very great importance.
The developments in form appeared in the following two matters.
1. The days of memorial for celebrating the rites of remembrance became more fixed and more organised. Similarly the different human elements involved in the rites of remembrance, including wailing chanters, reciters and story-tellers became more numerous.
However, the rites of remembrance in this stage were subject to persecution and restrictions in nearly every part of the Islamic world.
The roots of Shi'ism in Egypt had been cruelly and savegely torn out after the fall of the Fatimids and the coming to power of the Ayyubids. The same was the case in Syria. In this stage, too, the Turks spread their authority to Iraq. Sectarian fanaticism against the Shi' a received protection which enabled it to persecute Shi' ite activities, and especially the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. This was among the reasons why these activities were restricted to traditional Shi'ite centres (the sacred shrines in Iraq) and to those other places where the rites of remembrance could be held in secret or almost in secret. The only area in this stage where the rites of remembrance flourished was Iran after the Safavids came to power. In Iran Shi'ism became strong and its activities in every field flourished. The chief of these was the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, which thrived under the Safavids.
2. The Second Stage In this stage, striking oneself became a firm element in some of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn in Iraq and Iran.. This kind of striking oneself was one of the customs which the Buwayhids had introduced into the rites of remembrance. It was accepted by the emergence of a kind of rhythmic poetry in classical Arabic or in colloquial. The rites of remembrance used to begin or end with it and it was accompanied by striking the chest with the top half of the body being naked, or by striking the chest when still covered by clothes.
This used to happen in the rites of remembrance for men. In the women's rites the striking had been a basic element, as we have already indicated in this study, and it is still so today.
So much for the development in form. As for the development in the mode of content of the rites of remembrance, our evidence for that in this stage is the following books: (i) Manaqib Ali Abi Talib (The Outstanding Qualities of the Family of Abu Talib) by Ibn Shahrashub al-Sarawi al-Mazandaram (d. 588); (ii) Muthu al-Ahzan (The Arousal of Grief) by Ibn Numma al-Hilli (d. 645); (iii) Al-Luhuf fi Qatla al Zufuf (Sorrow for the Dead on the Banks) by Ibn Tawus al-Hilli (d. 664).
In addition to these, there are the poetic works which were composed in this period.
The development in mode appears in the following matters:
i. The Language of the Rites of Remembrance
The language of the rites of remembrance is quiet and objective at the beginning of the first stage. It preserves this character for a long period of time during this stage. Then a change began to enter into this aspect towards the end of the stage so that it has become emotional in the second stage. The object of the language in the first stage was to portray the events of the revolution. In the second stage the object has come to be to arouse the mind and the emotions of the people attending the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
Just as rhyming-prose (saj') became an established feature in the style of writing and oratory in that period, so it did in the language of the rites of remembrance when the matter was not concerned with reading an historical text word for word and only depended on the composition of the preacher or the writer.
Mostly this rhyming prose was weak, devoid of artistic grandeur. In what follows we will present two texts, one of which is by Ibn Numma and the other by Ibn Tawus in order to try and give a picture of the emotional language of the rites of remembrance.
Ibn Numma wrote:
(Al-Husayn) said: 'Arise for death which is inevitable.' They rose and the two armies met, foot-soldiers and horsemen. The battle was fierce. Because of the dust that raised, courage was hidden. The hard strong spear whetted the black blood while the Yemeni sword was heard striking into heads. Al-Husayn, peace be with him, did not find anyone to listen to his warning amid those who fell in war. They had disbelieved in the Apostle without preferring the cutting swords and spear-tips. There was nothing left between them except skulls and sliding swords. You could see the heads falling like down-pouring rain and burnt-out sparks. You could recite verses in describing the situation because you knew the battle would make them become decayed bones. [36]
Ibn Tawus wrote about the return of Zayn al-'Abidin with the prisoners to Medina:
Then he, the blessings of God be with him, journeyed to Medina with his family. He looked at the house of his people and his men. He saw those houses wailing in the name of their circumstances and wailing at the misfortunes of their tears as they fiowed for the loss of their defenders and their men. They grieve for them with the grief of bereaved women. They ask the people at the halting place about them. Their grief was excited by the deaths of their killed ones. The houses call out for their sake and for the bereaved among them. They say, 'People, forgive me wailing and lamenting. Help me in this noble tragedy. These people, at whose loss I grieve and for whose noble conduct I yearn, were the companions of my days and nights, the lights of my darkness and my dawns, the sinews of my honour and my pride, the causes of my strength and my victory, and what is left of my suns and my moons.'
Rhyming-prose continued to be a permanent style in the language of the rites of remembrance until the end of this stage and the beginning of the third stage, insofar as Shaykh Fakhr al-Dm al-Turayhi (d. 1075) was a representative of the second stage of the rites of remembrance through his book al-Muntakhab. This book represents a development in the manner of writing the account of the death of al-Husayn. He divided it into sessions (majalis) and parts in accordance with the nights and days on which the rites of remembrance were held. I maintain that Shaykh al-Turayhi used emotional rhyming-prose in writing the sessions which he compiled in al-Muntakhab. In that way we know that the stage began with the language of the rites of remembrance in emotional rhyming- prose and ended in this form as well.
ii. Historical Accuracy
In this stage the scope was extended to include embellishments in the narration of events and became particularly tolerant in accepting accounts connected with actions which would lead to exciting the emotions. Among the examples of that is the account of the marriage of al-Qasim ibn al-Hasan ibn 'Ali ibn 'Abi Talib to the daughter of al-Husayn. Another is the report that the 'Abbasid Caliph, al-Mutawakkil, continued to plough up the grave of al-Husayn for twenty years.37 Both of these reports were untrue. When al-Qasim ibn al-Hasan died as a martyr, he was still a youth who had not reached the age to marry, and there is no reliable historical text concerning this marriage. Similarly the period of the caliphate of al-Mutawakkil, from the time he was given the pledge of allegiance to the time he was killed, was about fifteen years. (He was given the pledge of allegiance in 232 and he was killed in 247).
Other manifestations of this lack of historical accuracy are found in the acceptance of the suggestions of some of the writers about the death of al-Husayn as if they were historical facts.
iii. Poetry
In their first stage the rites of remembrance limited the poetry to what was organically connected with the Battle of Karbala', like the rajaz rhymes of the fighters and similar things. Then during the first stage the rites of remembrance developed and began to include poetry of lament and about virtues composed by later poets. It might even be the composition of the author of the particular account of the death of al-Husayn himself. This is what we find in Ibn Numma al-Hillis book, Muthir al-Ahzan, where most of the pieces of poetry appropriate to the situation which he is discussing in his account of the death of al-Husayn are his own compositions. He, even, introduced poetic material which was alien to the account of the death of al-Husayn, as though it might be appropriate for it. Thus he wrote: 'I have concluded this book of mine with the verses of Ibn Zaydun al-Maghribi which cut deep into the heart of the grief-stricken like a javelin. [38]
Then he quoted a long passage from a famous poem of Ibn Zaydun.
This development which occurred in the rites of remembrance towards the end of the first stage increased in a distinct and clear way in the second stage. Thus the poetry of lamentation about the martyrdom of Imam al-Husayn became, in the very late period, basic material in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. Similarly the poetry about virtue which was composed in praise of the Holy Family also became basic material in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
Al-Turayhis book, al-Muntakhab, is the best text to represent the development which took place in the rites of remembrance during this stage. It includes poetry of lamentation and of virtues composed about Imam al-Husayn or the other martyrs from the Hashimites so that frequently the session of the rites of remem- brance begins with a piece of lamentation poetry or poetry about virtues and ends with a long poem by one of the later poets. Similarly within the session there are included pieces of poetry connected with the rites of remembrance or the virtues of the Holy Family or some other poetry which seems appropriate to mention in the course of a story which has been introduced into the rites of remembrance in order to serve the purpose of emphasising the virtues or the tragedy.
iv. The Virtues of the Holy Family
Among the developments which were introduced into the rites of remembrance during its first stage was their inclusion of accounts of the virtues which were reported from the Apostle concerning the Imams of the Holy Family or what was reported in praise and honour of them by other men of Islam.
This characteristic clearly increased in the rites of remembrance during their second stage. Special books about the great qualities of the Holy Family were compiled. The book, Manaqib Ali Abi' .Talib, by Ibn Shahrashub exemplifies this in the second stage of the rites of remembrance. The chapter devoted to Imam al-Husayn begins by giving general reports about his virtues from Imam al-Sadiq, from Abu Hurayra reporting from the Apostle of God, from al-Mufaddal ibn ' Umar reporting from Imam al-Sadiq, from al-Suddi, the exegete, from Imam Musa ibn Ja'far and others, together with poetry about his virtues by al-Zahi, al-Qadi ibn Qadus al-Basri, Kashajim and al-Bashnawi. Then he devotes a section to the miracles of Imam al-Husayn which he concludes with some poetry about his virtues by al-Susi and al-Saruji. He follows this with a section which is about the miracles and signs from Imam al-Husayn after his death, which is permeated with poetry of lament. After this comes a section about the noble moral qualities of Imam al-Husayn, which is full of poetry about his virtues. He, then, goes on to a section about the Prophet's love for Imam al-Husayn, which contains much poetry appropriate to that subject. He follows this with a section about his noble accomplishments, which he concludes with a piece of poetry about his virtues. That is followed by a section giving his dates and different names, which is concluded with a poem in praise of his virtues which he attributes to Imam al-Husayn on the Day of 'Ashura'. A further section comes with expressions about his virtues and great qualities, which is also permeated with poetry about his virtues. Finally, there comes a section about his martyrdom.
Since we find that the extent of the concern with virtues has become deep and increased its roots in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn in their second stage in the way we have just described, we will also find that the extent of the concern with virtues in the rites of remembrance is, at the end of their second stage, interposing itself with the rites of remembrance themselves, and becoming part of its internal fabric. The book, al-Muntakhab, by al-Tarihi gives us a picture of the growth of this extensive concern with virtues in the internal structure of the rites of remembrance. Here we find the virtues mentioned alongside the incidents of the tragedy in order to give a feeling of its grievousness and to form in the listener feelings of respect, love and disaster. The first section of the third session, for example, is devoted to the second night of the first ten days of Muharram. It begins by mentioning some of the virtues of the Commander of the faithful, 'Ali ibn 'Abi Talib. Within this it mentions the attitudes of those who reject them. Then the author turns his attention to the tragedy of Karbala'. He says: '. . . Hold true to the truths of the tragedies to his offspring, his sons, his Shi' a and those who loved him. Only look at the dead on the ground, or the imprisoned one as he suffered throughout his journey, or the unveiled women on the humps of camels whose faces are scrutinised by me ....' Then he mentions the learning of Imam al-Husayn in the time of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab. He goes on to say: 'How strange are people who know their noble virtue but still commit dreadful acts against them ....' [39] Al-Turayhi continues in this session and others in this style of mixing virtues together with the tragic events.
v. The Other Imams
This development, which had occurred in the first stage of the rites of remembrance, increases in clearness and becomes more firmly- rooted in the second stage. The tendency to compile works about the tragedies of the Imam becomes widespread emanating from the reality that they represent one course and one tragedy which has many links. This leads to the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn becoming an integrated whole from this aspect so that the discourse concerning it is not limited merely to referring to the life and martyrdom of al-Husayn. It is extended to include a discussion of the lives, virtues and tragedies of the other Imams. The elements pertaining to the virtues and tragedies of the other Imams become a basic part of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. In the same way this led to the evolution of rites of remembrance being held on the days when they died so that there are rites of remembrance for al-Husayn which are really devoted to the memory of Imams other than al-Husayn. Rites of remembrance have come to be held in memorial to the death of the Apostle of God, the death of Imam 'Ali, the death of Imam al-Hasan and the death of Imam Zayn al-'Abidin.
In these rites of remembrance, the life-story and virtues of the Imam, whose memorial it is, is told. The oppression and tyranny which he met from the rulers of his time is also discussed. The session of the rites of remembrance finishes by mentioning Imam al-Husayn. Poetry of lamentation and poetry of virtues permeates the whole of that.
The best example of work which intermingles the other memorials in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn during this stage is al-Muntakhab of al-Turayhi.
vi. Acts of Renunciation of the World
The rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, like any cultural or social institution, were influenced by the changes and new factors which occurred in Islamic society during the period between the fall of Baghdad and the beginnings of the modern era, which is the time-span of the second stage of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
The rites of remembrance for al-Husayn were influenced by what befell the Muslims and his society in this period: Political disintegration, economic backwardness, civil wars, famines and plagues.
In this climate, full of the causes of misery for man and society, there grew a cultural current which provided a philosophy for this misery. It was the Sufism of resignation, which gave the Muslim a philosophy which was able to extend the power of its influence and activity through the claim that it was a religious movement which concentrated on the Book, the Sunna and the practices of the great representative of Islam. It was a claim which had absolutely no basis in truth. It arose out of ignorance of the general spirit of Islam and the influence of non-Islamic $uii tendencies.
This philosophy made the misery of the existing situation a fixed fate created by God and it made resignation and acceptance of this misery a necessary fate for man. It regarded any activity by man and society to change this miserable situation for the better as vain effort. It regarded the purpose of man, in his work and toil in the life of the world, as death and the grave.
As a result of this logic, this philosophy made the memory of al-Husayn into an activity concerned with death rather than activity concerned with life. It made it into ritual which would bring benefit to man in the grave rather than an incentive to make him change the situation of his miserable degrading life. The revolution of al-Husayn came to be considered as if it had been an action which al-Husayn undertook in order to enable people, through repeating and telling his story in words, to enter Paradise by this kind of verbal activity.
The end of the first stage of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn had witnessed the appearance of this attitude towards the purpose of remembering al-Husayn. However, during the second stage, this attitude became increasingly apparent. Al- Muntakhab of al-Turayhi gives a perfect illustration of this attitude towards remembering al-Husayn. It is weighed down with expres- sions which demonstrate that, like the following:
My brothers, you desire the noble mansion of Paradise and great reward. Then perpetuate your grief, your sadness and your sorrow for them. You should know that God will accept such actions from you and the result will be favourable for you in His eyes. Yet God will not accept excuses for abandoning the rites of remembrance for the pure Holy Family because His practice is to impose obligations about men after He has inspired them with guidance in order that He may pour goodness upon them so that they may arrive at perfection. By my life, nothing is more efficacious to attain great reward and remove dread punishment than the performance of the ritual of griefs and making tears flow because of the treachery and desertion done to the Holy Family at that time.
The Shi'ite man began to perform the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, or to attend them, for the sake of storing up acts of piety for the Hereafter which would benefit him after death and gain great reward from God. Apart from that, his attendance did not help him to understand them as being an activity which would benefit him in his life and change some of the evil and misery in it. Thus cursing the Umayyads became purely an activity concerned with the Hereafter and it was not a renunciation of Umayyad policy in its political implications.
In the second stage of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, the memory of al-Husayn lost its political and social implications concerned with adhering to an attitude of life and existence in face of the challenges of the miserable situation.
The call to renounce the world and the negative preaching which urged men to leave actions involved with living, by rejecting the world as a basic factor of life came into the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn at this stage, alongside the story of the tragedy.
The following line of verse portrays for us how deeply this spirit of renunciation had penetrated into the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn so that the negative attitude towards life had become intermingled with the tragedy of al-Husayn:
Do you hope for good from a world which had despised al-Husayn, the grandson of the Prophet, and chosen Yazid.
The author of al-Muntakhab gives us a picture in a great many passages of this negative attitude of renunciation of the world as it appears in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn during this stage, and how this attitude has become incorporated, in the understanding of the ordinary Shi'ite, with the tragedy of al-Husayn. The following quotation is a good illustration of the way al-Muntakhab approaches this matter:
The base world prompted you to kill the Prophet's offspring. It has been reported by great men: Love for the world is one of the greatest dangers which will cause the wrath of God and throw men into Hell-fire. In a Tradition which gives the words of God, He says: If My servant prays the prayer of the people of Heaven and earth, fasts the fast of the people of Heaven and earth, makes the pilgrimage of the pilgrims of the people of Heaven and earth, does without food like the angels who are close to God, then I see in his heart an atom of love for the world, or for its reputation, or for its leadership, or for its praise, or for its finery, or for its decoration, or even less than an atom, such a man will not be with Me in My noble abode. Indeed I will root out of his heart love for Me and I will oppress his heart until he forgets any memory of Me so that I will not bedeck him with My mercy on the Day of Resurrection.
In a Tradition from Imam al-Sadiq, the latter said: . . . The Apostle of God said: By God Who sent me as a prophet with the truth, if there was an atom of love for the world in the hearts of Gabriel and Michael, God would hurl them on their faces into Hell-fire.
Brothers, keep yourselves away from all trust in the world. Beware of seeking leadership and high position in it, for it is an abode in which all blessings cease and none of its evil people will be safe. How can an intelligent man be satisfied with the world as an abode after the family of the Apostle and the offspring of Fatima. This, by God, is a place which betrays its friends. There is, by God, no good in it except for those who take their provisions in it for the Day of Resurrection. By my life, no action in it is better than loyalty to the Holy Family which prompts terror towards the Day of Judgement and its consequences.
This attitude of renunciation by the Muslims was formed at an early period and began to express itself in the Shi'ite in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn towards the end of the first stage of those rites. This sad atmosphere of the rites of remembrance, full as it was of tragic memories and terrifying pictures of tyrannical acts of oppression against man, was intensely suitable for the growth of ideas of negative renunciation which was provided with life and strength by the misery of existing life and ignorance of the spirit of Islam. It continued to grow in the consciousness of the ordinary Shi'ite as an expression of himself in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn during their second stage until it reached its apex at the end of this stage.
This negative attitude of renunciation continued throughout the period of the dark ages of Islam and it even stretched into the modern era in some areas.
The Ottoman government, through its oppression and perse- cution of the Shi'ite, was one of the factors for the continuation of this negative attitude of renunciation insofar as the Ottomans had power over Shi' ites.
3. The Third Stage
As we mentioned earlier, the third stage of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn began at the beginning of the modern period, and they have continued in this stage up to the present time.
Here we should notice that the books about the death of al-Husayn during this period are only of a very limited use as a source for observing the changes in form and mode which have occurred in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. The changes of mode which have been introduced into the rites of remembrance have a nature which differs fundamentally from the nature of the books about the death of al-Husayn, for these books are devoted to telling the story of the actual event. We shall see that the changes have made the rites of remembrance go beyond the story of the actual event to other aims and contents. Indeed, it is possible that some of the books about the death of al-Husayn have participated in tracing the modern direction in some respects, (e.g. the books of al-Amini in terms of historical accuracy). Some of this was in response to the demand for a new picture.
In this stage the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn have witnessed developments in form and mode of very great impor- tance.
In terms of form, the security and freedom which the Shi'ite community has enjoyed in most places have enabled the rites of remembrance for Imam al-Husayn to be performed publicly at every time in the year without fear of prohibition by the authorities or the populace. However, in areas where the ShI' a do not enjoy religious freedom, limitations on the performance of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn have continued to be imposed by the authorities in those areas, some of which are in the Arab world and some outside it.
The occasions for performing the rites of remembrance have become more numerous. In Iraq and Iran and some other countries, the rites of remembrance are performed during the two lunar months of Muharram and $afar, throughout the night and at the beginning and end of the day, by various craft and cultural groups, as well as by individuals. This is done in every place which is appropriate for such a meeting provided the weather is suitable. They occur in every Shi'ite town of any significance or in which there is a large number of the Shi' a.
Similarly rites of remembrance for al-Husayn are held on the day of the memorial of the Prophet's death, in memory of the death of each of the eleven Imams of the Holy Family, who have died, in memory of the death of the Lady Fatima, the fair, of the Lady Zaynab, daughter of Imam Ah and of Muslim ibn 'Aqil. On the occurrence of the memorial day of the death of any one of these persons according to the lunar reckoning, rites of remembrance are held in which a preacher reviews his life, tells of the oppressions and tyranny carried out against him and recites some poetry composed in praise and lament for him. He finishes the rites of remembrance by mentioning Imam al-Husayn and some of what happened to him.
Similarly rites of remembrance for Imam al-Husayn are held in Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, other Gulf regions and some other countries on the evenings of the days of the month of Ramadan. The sessions of these rites of remembrance have acquired great favour with the ordinary people.
In the same way, many people have adopted the practice of holding rites of remembrance for al-Husayn in their houses or in small mosques in the quarters of cities during Friday, during the day or the night, each week or on other days in the week suitable for such rites to be held as far as work or free-time for people to come is concerned. The people who come to such rites are frequently neighbours, friends or relatives of the man who is holding these rites of remembrance.
The practice has arisen of holding a session of the rites of remembrance in order to celebrate a new house by blessing it through remembering God, the Prophet and the Imams of the Holy Family.
Sometimes, some people hold a session of the rites of remem- brance when returning from the pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) and on other personal occasions. The custom has also arisen of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn being part of an opening session of a service for the dead or a gathering for commemoration.
We can designate these kinds of rites as 'private rites of remembrance' and the other we would term 'public rites of remembrance'.
Public rites of remembrance are held in public places: squares, large mosques, clubs and places dedicated to al-Husayn. A great number of people share in providing the finance for them. The money which they contribute is spent on the financial reward which is paid to the preacher and on the hospitality given to those who come to the rites of remembrance, in terms of sugar, coffee tea, etc. Money is also spent on hiring or buying cushions and the cost of the electricity.
These developments, which made the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn into occasions which were frequently held throughout the year and attracted a very great number of people, led to the setting up of special places for the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn called 'commemoration halls for al-Husayn' (al- husaynEyya), 'clubs of al-Husayn' (al-nadi al-husayni). They are big halls specially devoted to the performance of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. In recent years they have come to be used for other religious, social and cultural occasions as well, such as farewell parties, parties in honour of people and other such things.
It seems that this institution is not a modern innovation but goes back to much earlier times. Amir 'Ali, in his A Short History of the Saracens, writes: 'One of the most imposing buildings in Cairo during the Fatimid period was the 'Husayniyya'. It was a building of vast size in which remembrance of the death of al-Husayn at the Battle of Karbala' was celebrated.4'
The words of Amir 'Ali suggest that this was an official institution and that the Fatimid Caliphs used to take part directly in holding ceremonies of mourning for al-Husayn.
In the third stage of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, this institution has become a general phenomenon among Shi' ite Muslims In every Shi' ite town, small or big, whatever its economic state may be, there will be a building for this purpose which will be called either 'Husayniyya' or the club of al-Husayn (al-nadi al-husayni). Large towns are distinguised by the fact that they include a number of commemoration halls for al-Husayn. Sometimes also in a great Shi'ite quarter in the big cities there are a number of commemoration halls for al-Husayn.
Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin has discussed this Shi'ite institution in his book, Khitat Jabal Amil. He writes: 'The halls of commemora- tion for al-Husayn were built in order to perform rites of mourning for Imam al-Husayn, the martyred grandson of the Prophet. The origin of these halls of commemortion for al-Husayn came from the Indians and the Iranians who built them in their towns. They also built them in Iraq. They made religious endowments for them and provided overseers and superintendents for them. They consist of a building of stone with a courtyard and in them there is also a pulpit. A stranger may take refuge in them and the community provides him with accommodation. The poor also stay at them. Rites of mourning for the lord of martyrs are performed in them on a certain day each week and on the first ten days of the month of Muharram. They differ in size, quality and income according to who was responsible for them being built. They were not known of before the present period in Jabal 'Amil. The first hall of commemoration for al-Husayn built in Jabal 'Amil was at Nabatiyya. Then a number of other halls of commemoration for al-Husayn were built.' [42]
This institution has now beome one of the established cultural phenomena in all Shi' ite lands as we have already mentioned.
These developments led to the growth of new religious endow- ments. Indeed these halls of commemoration for al-Husayn are endowed properties which bring public advantage. The chairs, cushions, chandeliers, electricity, lamps and equipment for making tea and coffee are all endowments. Similarly, endowments have been made for the banners and the black fabrics which are spread out and cover the walls of these halls of commemoration for al-Husayn and the mosques in which the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn are performed, although there are places which are not covered by black fabric when the rites of remembrance are performed in them.
At another level the number of men specifically concerned with this religious and cultural area has increased. One of these is called Arabic khatib (preacher or the preacher from the pulpit of al-Husayn). In Persian, Urdu and Turkish he is called rawza- khwan This really should be rawda-khwan but Persian pronun- ciation has changed the 'd' in Arabic to 'z'. Khwan is Persian and means 'reading'. The meaning of this phrase then is 'the reading of al-Rawda'. Al-Rawda refers to the book Rawdat al-Shuhada ' (The Garden of Martyrs) which was compiled by Mawla al-Husayn ibn 'Ali al-Kashifi who was known as al-Wa'iz al-Bayhaqi (d. 910). It is one of the books about the death of al-Husayn which was compiled at the beginning of the Shi'ite Safavid dynasty in Iran. It became so widespread among the people that it came to be introdued as the name for the preacher who kept alive the memory of al-Husayn.
It is necessary for these preachers to memorise the story of the Battle of Karbala', a great deal of information about Islamic history, especially the history of the early days of Islam, some stories of literature, a greater or lesser degree of knowledge of the interpretation of the Qur'an and Traditions about the merits of the Imams of the Holy Family. In addition to these, he would have to know a great deal of the poetry of lamentation. It is desirable that some of this should be in the colloquial language.
When the preacher has great knowledge of these subjects and is able to blend them together in a way in which the element of desire and benefit abound, he will be more acceptable to the people.
The practice is observed of fixing a time for the rites of remembrance which is in accord with the daily times of work so that such rites are not held at working times. They are only usually ever held in the mornings very early before the work in the markets begins. However, these morning sessions are attended by very few workers. When the rites of remembrance are held in the afternoon or evening there is a greater opportunity for all groups to take advantage of free time from work to attend them. As a result such public rites of remembrance held at those times are full of people. This is the case apart from what happens during the days of 'Ashura. As far as the latter are concerned, the rites of remembrance are held from the early morning until late in the night. They are crowded with people attending because many of the people put off their work during these ten days in order to give themselves more time to devote to attending the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn and listening to a number of preachers.
Here we should observe that the books about the death of al-Husayn are no longer a useful source for observing the changes in form and mode which have been introduced into the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
When we move from examining the changes in form which have occurred in the rites of remembrance such as them now being more openly held with a greater number of people attending, that they are now held at a great number of times and places with different equipment, with preachers and at fixed times-when we move from examining such changes in form to an examination of changes in mode-we will notice that very important changes have occurred in this area which have made the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn a very important force in the direction of society. We notice the following changes in mode:
1. The rites of remembrance preserve an established element in which the tragedy is portrayed and the authorities criticised. However, the tragedy no longer forms a final and exclusive element in the rites of remembrance, even though it is still the principal element in them, especially with accomplished preachers speaking from the pulpit of al-Husayn who enjoy very great popularity in educated and uneducated circles.
Criticism of the authorities has also continued. There is still criticism with is aimed at the Umayyads and the'Abbasids and others who carried out unjust policies towards the Holy Family and their Shi' a. As for actual existing governments, these are sometimes criticised within the limits of the freedom granted to the preacher to speak and express his views. In rare cases this criticism is unambiguous and direct. However, in most cases such criticism is indirect as was the case in all the stages of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn which could be carried out in public within earshot of the authorities and their organisations.
Among the forms of criticism which we could term political criticism is the criticism of imperialism. In the modern period the Islamic world has suffered the bitter experience of imperialism. It has awoken from the slumber of the dark ages which came over Muslims with the crash of the mortars of the imperialists and the lash of their whips. The rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, as developed in this stage, were affected by this reality and reflected the anger and aspirations of the people suffering under imperialism. Some modern preachers have begun to deal with the problems of the people suffering under imperialism during the course of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
2. The language of the rites of remembrance in this stage has freed itself from the effects of the second stage in this area. It has got rid of rhyming prose and weak expressions. It has now become simple and easy to understand. Frequently the preacher uses colloquial in his speech from the pulpit for the benefit of the illiterate and their like who cannot understand difficult texts.
3. Often the rites of remembrance include a historical exposition which contains the historical factors involved in the revolution of al-Husayn within the limits of the competence and the depth of culture of the preacher. It would deal with the Umayyad era from the time of the domination by Mutawiya ibn 'Abi Sufyan, and perhaps even from the time of the Caliph 'Uthman ibn'Affan sometimes.
This historical aspect of the rites of remembrance concentrates the greatest extent of its concern on the following matters: (i) The transgressions by the Umayyads of the principles of Islam in their policies in terms of their associations with opposition to Islam, with their attitude towards Muslims, with the treatment of public wealth, their breaking of their undertakings, their hostility to human morality as well as the way the private lives of most of them were full of immorality and indecency; (ii) Their oppression of the Holy Family, in particular, and the 'Alids, in general; (iii) Their oppression and persecution of the Shi' a of the Holy Family.
'Abbasid history receives a great deal of attention when there is a session devoted to the memory of one of the Imams who lived during the'Abbasid period. The speech of the preacher from the pulpit of al-Husayn will, on such an occasion, deal with the 'Abbasid Caliphs and their supporters in the same way as mentioned above but he will not neglect to mention the Umayyads on every occasion.
4. Historical Accuracy. Concern over historical accuracy has increased as a result of critical works that have been written by some distinguished scholars in recent years, and as a result of the awareness of what is fitting for the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn which has been propagated by some cultural institutions in Iraq and elsewhere. As a result of this, historically unreliable accounts have been kept away from and the preacher no longer mentions the speculations of some writers as if they were historical facts.
Among the most outstanding men who have participated in making preachers from the pulpit of al-Husayn stay close to historical accuracy and who have worked to rid the account of the death of al-Husayn of fabricated embellishments was the late Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin. In the introduction to his book, al-Majalis al-Saniyya, he wrote: '. . . However, many of those who mention their calamities, give different stories of their calamities. They distort some true accounts and add or subtract from them because of the influence they think they might have on the minds of their ignorant audience with sound and weak reports until these become preserved on men's tongues, deposited where men meet and spread unchecked among the people. They are lies which bring anger upon them and open the door of disparagement to anyone who wishes to disparage. They should not be pleased to tell lies which do not please God and His Apostle, for they have told their Shi'a, "Be an ornament for us. Do not be a disgrace to us." They, and those like them before, have committed a clear sin. God is not obeyed when He is disobeyed. God will only accept the pious. Lying is one of the grave sins which bring damnation, especially if it is against the Prophet and his pure Holy Family.'43
An example of the observation of historical accuracy in this stage is the comment of the late Sayyid'Abd al-Razzaq al-Muqrim when he mentions al-Qasim ibn al-Hasan going out to fight where he contradicts the widespread story that the Imam al-Husayn had married him to one of his daughters on the Day of 'Ashura, with the words: 'Everything mentioned about the wedding of al-Qasim is absolutely untrue because al-Qasim had no yet reached the age to marry. In addition there is no sound report about it in any of the historical sources.'44
5. Lessons in Islam and the call of Islam occupy a very important place in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. They reject the specious arguments of the atheists about Islam and the attack made by atheistic and immoral claims. Similarly the rites of remembrance are concerned with Qur 'anic and exegetical studies.
It usually happens that the preacher begins his speech with a verse from the Book of God which he then explains. He goes on from there to an Islamic study of doctrine or the Islamic way of life (sharia) or morals or to give a defence of Islam against specious arguments. Then he goes on to discuss some aspect of Islamic history. Then he turns from that to mention some of the things which happened to the Holy Family. Finally he mentions Imam al-Husayn.
In many countries and over wide areas of public opinion, these lessons in Islam have become a standard which the people use in coming to the rites of remembrance or staying away from them. This standard will depend on the choice of a good preacher about al-Husayn.
6. Perhaps it is appropriate here for us to point out a problem of procedure in the rites of remembrance of al-Husayn which has occurred, as we believe, in recent times. It is what is called in Iraqi colloquial al-kariz (or al-guriz), which means 'leading up' to mentioning the tragedy of Imam al-Husayn. The rites of remem- brance now finish with that after having ceased to deal with everything which was involved in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn.
What happens is that after the preacher finishes his talk about the religious, historical and social aspects together with the other elements which now constitute the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn, he begins to speak about Karbala'.
In this stage of the rites of remembrance, the preacher tries to create psychological tension and produce an emotion laden atmosphere among those listening to him which will make them weep. With the arrival of the moment of psychological tension which the preacher has succeeded in producing in the minds of those listening to him, he does not move on to speak immediately about the tragedy. He only moves on to that stage by means of kanz (leading up) while he is concentrating on some incident which contains some similarity to one of the aspects of the tragedy of al-Husayn, which will allow a comparison to be made between the tragedy and the aspect which was mentioned for the sake of the tragedy. In this way the listeners are not aware of the change in the situation and the movement from one atmosphere to another. Thus the speech glides imperceptibly from the earlier subject into speaking about the predicament of al-Husayn.
After that, the preacher enters into a detailed account of the tragedy of al-Husayn by which he creates a psychological and emotional eruption. He finishes the session of the rites of remembrance by reciting a line or two of poetry in the wailing style.
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The technique of 'leading up' has been well-known in Arabic poetry from earliest times. It is based on the idea previously mentioned. Whenever the listener feels that he is living in an intellectually and psychologically homogeneous atmosphere through- the gradual movement from one subject to another that is regarded as evidence for the success and good quality of the poet. Examples of 'leading up' in Arabic poetry are too many to count. One such example is where Zuhayr ibn 'Abi Salma said:
The miser is blameworthy wherever he is but the generous man grows decrepit on his excuses.
It seems that the need for the 'leading up' in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn arose out of the variety of the content and the number of subjects which the preacher from the pulpit of al-Husayn dealt with in his speech. We consider that this happened in the third of the stages of the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn. In the second of the stages, there was no pressing need for 'leading up' because the content of the rites of remembrance was usually homogeneous or almost homogeneous; it had not matured in its development as happened in the third stage.
Evidence for what we say can be seen in Shaykh Fakhr al-Din al-Turayhis book, al-Muntakhab. No sign of 'leading up' can be found in any of his sessions. The only reason for this is that the rites of remembrance had only one subject; they had not yet witnessed the variety of subjects which happened in the third stage.
7. Social and educational problems. In their third stage the rites of remembrance began to deal with social and educational problems, sometimes directly and at other times indirectly. The preachers, who are outstanding in culture and endeavour, deal, in the speeches from the pulpit of al-Husayn, with the problems of social fragmentation arising out of domination by the residue of tribal and clan loyalties over society, with problems of social co-operation and economic solidarity and with problems of copying the West in its materialistic civilization and moral decline. In the same way they deal with some of the problems of educating children and the programme of education.
The preacher from the pulpit of al-Husayn deals with these problems by reporting clearly the ideas of Muslim and non- Muslim thinkers either mentioning the names of these thinkers or passing over them. Frequently the preacher's discussion of these problems will be an extension of his discussion about the doctrine and morality of Islam, or a refutation of the specious arguments which are raised against it, or a comparison between the present situation of Muslims and their glorious past.
These are the changes which have occurred in the rites of remembrance for al-Husayn during their third stage. Some of them concern their form and some are concerned with the contents of the rites of remembrance.
During the third stage of the rites of remembrance they adopted a framework which now prevails with Muslim Shi'ites in most areas of the world, with only the existence of simple differences in some of the details between one area and another as the nature of things would require.
We think that the rites of remembrance in some ShI'ite areas may still preserve most of the characteristics of the second stage and have not yet gone completely beyond this stage. Perhaps this situation may be prevailing with the Shi' a in much of the Iranian countryside and in the country areas in India and Pakistan, together with some areas in Asia Minor.
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